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Source: Le Monde Diplomatic
By Philippe Rekacewicz and Dominique Vidal
Philippe Rekacewicz is a geographer cartographer for Le Monde
diplomatique and the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP/Grid-Arendal
in Norway) |
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The tram will not operate
before 2009 but it’s already a presence across Jerusalem,
and garish ads show it running beside the walls of the Old
City. The strangest ad features a pensive Theodor Herzl; in
his book Altneuland, published two years
before his death in 1902, Herzl dreamed of an electric tram
system as a symbol of the Jerusalem of the future.
A century later this
ecological and economic solution is a necessity. “Our city
is in gridlock,” said Shmulik Elgarbly, Israeli spokesman
for the mass transit system. “Ever since cars got cheaper,
we’ve had terrible congestion in Jerusalem. By 1980 the
percentage of urban dwellers using public transport dropped
from 76% to 40%.” New roads jam up almost as soon as they
are finished. Most streets are too narrow for bus lanes. The
geological structure under the city would be ideal for the
construction of a subway system, but why not let passengers
see the most beautiful city in the world?
Ten years ago those
arguments convinced Jerusalem’s mayor, then Ehud Olmert, of
the need for a light rail system. The project would be
financed by the private sector under a
Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) contract and the network would
be handed over after 30 years. An international tender was
put out in 2000 and the French company Alstom won the
construction bid. Two years later Connex, the subsidiary of
another French company, Veolia, won the operating rights.
They formed a consortium called Citypass with two Israeli
companies, Ashtrom Construction and Pollar Investment, as
well as two banks, Hapaolim and Leumi. The contract was
signed in July 2005. The initial aim is to carry 500
passengers by 2009 on each of 25 trains running between the
terminus points of Pisgat Ze’ev and Mount Herzl.
According to Elgarbly, the
project will be profitable if two conditions are met: “It
must be perfectly safe and not a target for suicide attacks;
and the route must meet the needs of the greatest possible
number of inhabitants. We based our projections on 150,000
passengers a day. That is why the tram must serve the Jewish
quarters [Israel’s politically correct term for settlements]
such as Pisgat Ze’ev, as well as Arab quarters like Shu’fat.
At present there are two separate bus networks serving those
areas but there’s no room for two separate tramlines in
Jerusalem. We’re building a single, peacetime tramway.”
The road to hell is paved
with good intentions, even in the holy city. This project
has raised many urban and, more important, political
objections. It uses a stretch of Route 60, depriving
Palestinians of a vital artery to the city and, beyond it,
between the north and south of the West Bank. Yet Elgarbly
insists that: “We will serve both populations in Jerusalem.”
That seems doubtful. The fare, which is reasonable for
Israeli passengers at $1.37, will be expensive for those
Palestinians currently using the small buses, on which the
fare is just 82 cents. There is also the question of how the
continuing safety of the tram can be assured. How will the
settlers react to seeing Arabs travelling on the tram? One
person we spoke to wondered whether there should be separate
carriages for Arabs and Israelis.
Who will park and ride?
At the North Shu’fat stop,
planners have designed park-and-ride lots for suburban
commuters, especially Palestinians. The Israeli project
director, Shmulik Tsabari, who came with us on our site
tour, seemed oddly unaware of the fact that a large number
of potential passengers, such as the inhabitants of Ras
Khamis, or the Shu’fat and Anata refugee camps, live behind
the separation wall. One checkpoint in the wall is open at
present, but that doesn’t mean it will remain so in the
future. The army already often closes it during the rush
hour so that settlers can circulate more easily.
So who will use the
park-and-ride lots — if they are built? “The 50 dunum (5
hectare) plot belongs to dozens of Palestinian families and
the town hall has stymied negotiations,” explained lawyer
Mahmud al-Mashni. “But a permit is required to build on the
land since it’s in a green zone. The city authorities plan
to use part of the area for the parking lot and allow the
owners to build a shopping centre and homes on the
remainder. But the owners can’t afford to do that — they
won’t be able to pay the taxes, which are far higher on
building land. According to Israeli law, the owners should
get 60% of the land’s value in the event of state
expropriation. Instead they’re being offered a ‘generous’
25%.”
Many observers believe that
at the first security threat the trams will cease to go via
Shu’fat. Instead they will follow the safer roundabout route
inside the wall. It will mean explaining away the expensive
infrastructure that may already have been built, but that is
not the point. According to international law, the route
currently planned is illegal. It brings the Israeli
settlements in East Jerusalem closer to the city centre in
West Jerusalem: French Hill, then Pisgat Zeev, then Neve
Yaakov in the north, and later, with eight more routes
planned, many more. The tram facilitates colonisation.
This goes against the Fourth
Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949, ratified on several
occasions since by the United Nations Security Council.
Resolution 465 of 1 March 1980 stipulates: “All measures
taken by Israel to alter the physical character, the
demographic composition, the institutional structure or
status of the Palestinian territories including Jerusalem,
have no legal validity.” So if this new project is to be
used specifically for colonisation, Israel should not get
assistance from other countries.
For a long time the
Palestinians did not react, but now they are sounding the
alarm. In October 2005 President Mahmoud Abbas raised the
issue with a visibly embarrassed President Jacques Chirac. A
month later the French foreign minister, Philippe
Douste-Blazy, sent a carefully worded letter to the chairman
of the Association France-Palestine Solidarité, which is
campaigning against the tram, saying: “Private companies
bidding for international tenders in no way reflect a change
in France’s well-known stance on Jerusalem.”
He went on to stress
France’s attachment to Jerusalem’s international status as
laid down when partition was declared in 1947: “France and
the European Union have a clear and consistent position on
the illegal nature of the settlements in the territories
occupied by Israel in 1967 as well as the security wall that
Israel is building, which violates international law” (1).
Occupation entrenched
This clarification did not
prevent Nasser al-Kidwa, then the Palestinian Authority’s
foreign minister, from writing to Alstom CEO Patrick Kron on
6 January 2006, to criticise Alstom’s involvement “which is
not purely commercial, but carries extremely important
implications in terms of aid to Israel in its illegal
settlement policy in and around East Jerusalem, and which is
viewed [by the Palestinian Authority] as an attempt to
legitimise this policy”. This, he claimed, runs counter to
“the principles that have long been held in France”. In
Jerusalem two advisers from the Palestine Liberation
Organisation, Fouad Hallak and Wassim H Khazmo, confirmed
this view: “Ultimately, the tramline will connect West
Jerusalem with the Jewish settlements in East Jerusalem. It
is therefore entrenching the occupation. Without East
Jerusalem, there cannot be a Palestinian state.”
Meanwhile, the Arab League
condemned the illegal construction of the tramline at its
March 2006 summit in Khartoum. Alstom and Connex were
invited to withdraw immediately from the project to avoid
steps being taken against them, and the friendly French
government was urged to adopt a position on this issue in
accordance with its responsibilities and international law.
Never has there been a
greater divide in the official and unofficial positions of
French diplomacy. This is a far cry from “business is
business”, which is what an economic adviser to the French
embassy in Tel Aviv (2)
was quoted as having said. The consortium for the $518m
Jerusalem tramway had also hoped to win the $1.29bn contract
for Tel Aviv (in December 2006 it found out that it hadn’t).
Even before Douste-Blazy, there were other French ministers,
including Nicolas Sarkozy, who had talked about the profits
to be made.
Yet there are laws behind
the money. According to international lawyer Monique
Chemillier-Gendreau: “A state is accountable for the actions
of its country’s major companies if they break international
law and if the state does not do what it can to prevent
them.” Doubtless aware of the risk, a French consulate
official in Jerusalem stressed that neither Alstom nor
Connex benefited from any export credits or guarantees from
Coface, the official French export guarantee department.
A diplomat in Paris, who
wished to remain anonymous, went further: “The French
foreign office has always discouraged companies from taking
part in this venture.” Maybe. But in that case why did
Gérard Araud, France’s ambassador to Israel, take part in
the official contract-signing ceremony in the offices of
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon?
The diplomat confirmed that
the foreign ministry “always had strong reservations about
French companies taking part in this project”. In the event
of confrontation “it would give rise to a crisis on the
scale of the Muhammad cartoons row”. France would be in
violation of international law. He added “That tram is the
tram of apartheid” and claimed that the lawyers hired by
Alstom and Connex are “dubious”, which confirmed recent
comments by the two companies.
Despite all this, the
contract was signed. Our diplomat saw that as an expression
of “the climate in 2004 when there was a reconciliatory mood
in Tel Aviv. But even so, that goal doesn’t justify
stupidity. And that’s exactly what this tramway is. Pure
stupidity”. He added that the stupidity owed much to the
personality of the then French ambassador, Gérard Araud, who
was “a firm believer in the project. He certainly asked to
take part in the contract-signing ceremony.”
The light rail system may be
a good solution for the inhabitants of Jerusalem, but why
did the Israeli government not discuss it with the
Palestinian Authority first? Since they made no attempt to
do so, the Israeli government is open to accusation, at home
and abroad, of using the tram to strengthen its policy of
occupation, colonisation and annexation.
Having Theodor Herzl as the
tramway’s poster boy may be a Freudian slip. Herzl certainly
extolled modernity. But first and foremost he was the
founder of Zionism.
(1)
This and the following quotations are from the AFPS website,
www.france-palestine.org
(2)
Jerusalem Post, 7 June 2005.
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